Expectations of Family Life in a Multicultural Context : An Israeli Example

in Hebrew .*:$( .*-&3 ,.*"93& .*$&%* -.*-!9:* .*9*37 -: ;&$/3% ;! 0&("!*% 9/!/% ;9)/ .*98(1.6/!.*75( .% &;&! %(5:/% 0&1#2 *5-, -.*8*;&& (%*5&*;!/& 9"3:/**%9"/) .*-!&: .*$-*% .-,&!% 0(-&: "*"2 .*":&* ,.*$-*& .*9&% #&' ,%(5:/ 9!;/% 978 9&5*2 0;*1 9&52% +5&% .*1&3 .*9&%% 9:!,& ,.%-: &'%/&$ %;**% &-$# %" %(5:/% .!% .*9&%% ;! %(5:/% *"#.%*;&*5*7 ;! 9!;.*1**!&9/% &:8";1 9&522(**;%" .*9&$-;-; ;&*%(3) %$&"3& %(5:/ (2) ;&*/*)1*!& %"%! (1) : ;&"&:;% +&;/ &-3 .*/&(; %3"9! .$*;3" .%-: ;&7&"8% -: ;&21,;% +*-%; -3 ;&3*"7/ ;&*98*3% ;&182/% ..*:&9*# (4) .*1"-.*9&% *2(* -3 ;.*&2/ *1;! 0&&# -3 %9*/: +&; ,8*;&&% *-!9:*% -: %(5:/% 2&5$ 9"3;&1&:% ;&:,91 9:! .*:$(% %(5:/% *1**5!/2(**;%" !7&/% ;(5:/ *5-, ;*;9&8" ;*;9&8" ;&2(**;% .#&'% *1" 0*" !-/ 0&*&&: -: ;&9:5!% *"#9:5;%.*"*:/% -, -: %**)1 -3& KATZ/Multicultural Family Life in Israel 2 In its 52 years of existence, Israel has acquired more than half its population through immigration. Immigrants arrived from all over the world, bringing with them different cultures, life styles and family patterns. Like other immigrant societies, such as Australia, Canada and the United States, Israel has had to manage cultural diversity in the context of mutual stereotypical attitudes and perceptions by native and newcomer, and, in the process, forge a multicultural, pluralistic society. Although cultural diversity is a distinctive feature of Israeli society, and though the economic and educational gaps between Jews of European origin, on the one hand, and African or Asian background on the other, have never closed (Sharot & Ben-Raphael, 1991; Smooha, 1993), family structure among the Israeli-born offspring of various ethnic segments has converged toward a single pattern (Nahon, 1984; Peres & Katz, 1991). Most recently, when glasnost opened the doors of the former Soviet Union, hundreds of thousands of Jews emigrated to Israel. Between 1989 and 1997, approximately 750,000 Russian immigrants, or about 230,000 families, arrived in Israel (Leshem & Sicron, 1998). These immigrants brought with them a culture strongly influenced by generations of Soviet rule. In Israel, the Russian immigrants encountered a society that differs both ideologically and economically from the one they left behind. Many perceive that their cultural background and educational level place them in a higher class than most Israelis, even though economically they are still disadvantaged (Lissak, 1995). This conflict situation increases the demands of these immigrants toward their host country both on the institutional and the informal levels. A second group of recent immigrants is comprised of approximately 50,000 Ethiopian Jews who arrived in Israel mainly in two short clandestine airlifts in 1984 and 1991. Today, Ethiopians constitute a significant minority in the country (Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, 1997). They are inexperienced with modern ways of life and lack formal education. The Ethiopians arrived without any assets or financial resources. Residing in peripheral areas, and employed mainly in craft-work and manual labor, the Ethiopian community is marginalized in Israeli society. Israel’s largest non-Jewish minority group consists of the Arabs, who currently constitute about 18% of the population. Scholars who write about the Arab population in Israel tend to describe it as being in a state of transition from tradition to modernity. This process is reflected in various life domains such as economy, education, culture, family structure and women’s status (AlHaj, 1987, 1989; Haj-Yahia, 1995; Rosenfeld, 1968, 1978). Israeli Arabs are a unique minority, in that they are culturally linked to the peoples surrounding the Jewish state. Moreover, they are an indigenous population, a fact that legitimates their view that they are not obliged to adjust to the dominant KATZ/Multicultural Family Life in Israel 3 culture, which has only recently been created, or in their perception, is imported. This does not imply a lack of accommodation to the dominant culture life style. However, the collective rationalization of this process, which is derived in the case of the Jewish community from the idea of nation building, is absent in the Israeli Arab case. Much of the current discourse over the concept of pluralism focuses on whether multicultural societies must choose between assimilation and separatism as primary modes of interethnic relations (Brewer, 1996). Israelis grasp this dilemma somewhat differently. On the one hand, there are growing reservations about the assimilationist melting pot model. Cultural diversity is not only recognized as a fact but it is also legitimized as an expression of human rights. On the other hand, social change that reduces economic, social and even cultural gaps is encouraged and welcomed. The recent large-scale waves of immigration from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia have reemphasized both issues: the right to be different and the need to bridge multi-dimensional gaps. The aim of this study is to examine the reflection of these two divergent trends in the Israeli family context. More specifically, the encounter by young immigrant adults with the familial norms and life styles prevailing in Israeli society is explored, and their preferences regarding elements of the past that they wish to preserve and those they want to change are noted. The respondents belong to four distinct ethnic groups: veteran Israeli Jewish residents, Israeli Arabs, recent immigrants from Ethiopia, and recent immigrants from the former Soviet Union. We begin with a short glance at each of these family types. The Veteran Israeli Jewish Family A description of patterns of behavior and major trends in family life in Israel requires two comparative perspectives: one that analyzes changes over time, and another that examines differences between Israel and other countries. Changes over the past five decades show that Israelis are marrying later, divorcing more, and on the average having a smaller number of children, although different groups have been experiencing these processes at different rates. A comparison between Israel and other countries reveals that the family in Israel is more stable and more central than in most industrialized societies, as reflected by rates of marriage, divorce, fertility, out-of-wedlock birth, and cohabitation (Katz, forthcoming; Peres & Katz, 1981, 1991). In a study of priority rankings of five life domains (work, religion, leisure, community and family) in eight industrial countries, Israeli respondents emphasized the family domain, ranking the family highest as compared to respondents in all other countries (Harpaz, 1990; MOW, 1987). KATZ/Multicultural Family Life in Israel 4 Research comparing family structure and patterns of family behavior between Israelis of European vis-a-vis African or Asian origin over time shows a process of convergence in birth rates, a trend due mainly to decreased fertility among women of Asian and African extraction (Nahon, 1984; Peres & Katz, 1991). The closing of the fertility gap has facilitated the convergence of life styles between the two ethnic groups, as marital relations and socialization are, to a degree, influenced by sib size. Another phenomenon that links family with ethnicity is inter-ethnic marriage, which has increased threefold in Israel since the 1950s, although it remains at about half the expected rate (Nahon, 1984). A quarter of all Jewish marriages are inter-ethnic, meaning that one of the spouses is of European and the other is of African or Asian origin. In sum, although the process of bridging the ethnic gap in status attainment has been slow (Smooha & Kraus, 1985), there is an ongoing process of inter-ethnic integration in the family sphere. The Arab Family in Israel Prior to the establishment of the State of Israel, Arab society in the region was primarily a traditional peasant society. The family constituted the main economic unit, including all aspects of property ownership, as well as the basic social unit, through which participation in the community was determined. Traditionally, Arabs lived in extended families, which included the father, his wife (or wives), single daughters, single and married sons, and their wives and children. The family was patrilocal, patriarchal and patrilineal. Marriages were prearranged by the parents and were carried out at a young age, especially for females. New wives joined the husband’s family (a virilocal arrangement) and assumed loyalty to them. A number of extended families formed the hamula, in which membership was determined by both real or assumed kinship (Al-Haj, 1989). The hamula constituted the center of social and political life in the village, and each new family that joined the village was eventually accepted into one of the hamulas. Within this structure, the nuclear family had almost no independent existence, functioning mainly as part of the extended family. After the establishment of Israel, Arab villagers gradually underwent transformation from peasantry to commuting proletariat, although working outside the village did not fully release them from dependence on residual village economies (Rosenfeld, 1968, 1978). This and other changes impacted on the traditional Arab family structure. Studies indicate a decline in the importance and influence of the hamula as a result of a combination of political, social and economic factors alongside improved availability of and accessibility to formal support systems (Al-Haj, 1989; Smooha, 1989). These trends weakened the extended family both in its economic function and as a KATZ/Multicultural Family Life in Israel 5 unit of residence and consumption (Al-Haj, 1987), and, in consequence, the nuclear family became more independent and central. Women in the Arab family, are dependent on their husbands and are expected to obey them as well as to maintain the household (Haj-Yahia, 1995). While the status of Arab women has risen somewhat over the years, with a growing proportion of girls receiving secondary education (18% in 1948, 44% in 1970, 48% in 1995) and women becoming economically active (15% of Arab women are part of the labor force, Israel Central Bureau of Statistics,2000), these changes have not altered women’s basic status in the family. Their roles as wives and mothers continue to follow the traditional, non-egalitarian pattern (Haj-Yahia, 1995). Most research on the Israeli Arab family finds it to be in the midst of a process of transition involving conflicting pressures that push toward modernization and pull back to traditionalism. These countervailing vectors result in an enhancement of the status of the nuclear family, on the one hand, and an escalation of gender and intergenerational tensions on the other. The Immigrant Family from Ethiopia Most of the Jews in Ethiopia lived in rural communities. As a minority group concerned about preserving its religion and traditions, the Ethiopian Jewish community was a closed society, strictly adhering to religious precepts. Communities were centered around the extended family, which functioned as a highly cohesive unit. A large extended family was considered advantageous because of its ability to protect and support its members (Westheimer & Kaplan, 1992). The family was patriarchal and patrilocal, with marriages arranged by heads of families (Ben-David, 1996). The gender division of labor in Ethiopia was explicit: men were the undisputed heads of the family, they worked outside the home, and they represented the family to the elders and other authorities (Wagaw, 1993). Women were considered to be the property of their husbands, and their responsibilities consisted of working in the home and helping in the fields when necessary. Relationships were based on respect for the distinct roles of husband and wife (Barhani, 1990). Many Ethiopian Jewish families were complex families composed of two or more one-parent families, which were likely to split up further into oneparent families because of their inherent instability (Weil, 1991). Upon immigration to Israel, the Ethiopian family began to undergo radical structural changes (Kaplan & Rosen, 1993). The disruptive nature of the emigration process from Ethiopia, during which marriage partners were sometimes separated from each other, and the effects of modernization on traditional Ethiopian Jewish family life resulted in intensifying this pattern. As a result, KATZ/Multicultural Family Life in Israel 6 one-third of all Ethiopian immigrant households in Israel are headed by single parents, mostly single mothers (Weil, 1991). Another significant change upon arrival in Israel involved gender arrangements. New economic opportunities for women brought about a loss of power for men by diminishing their role as sole providers. Many Ethiopian women found employment in Israel and kept separate bank accounts. This change in women’s status resulted in a virtual revolution in family norms, roles and rules (Ben-David, 1993). Inter-gender gaps in the adjustment to these developments are one of the prime reasons for conflict between spouses that sometimes ends in divorce (Weil, 1991). The Immigrant family from the Former Soviet Union Soviet ideology regarding the status of the family underwent change several times. In the early years of the regime, an anti-familistic ideology predominated (Lapidus, 1978). In its drive to minimize private pursuits and private life, the state encouraged a plethora of public activities and social duties that strengthened loyalty to the regime and minimized the time and energy available for family life (Shlapentokh, 1991). This ideology changed direction in the 1970s and early 1980s with the disappointment in socialism and the rise of a more individualistic perspective (Kharchev & Matskovskii, 1982; Lapidus, 1988; Shlapentokh, 1991), causing marital relations and family patterns to become “transitory, turbulent and in a state of flux” (Imbrogno & Imbrogno, 1989). Contemporary Russian family life is typified by a low birth rate; a high divorce rate; a decrease in number of marriages, leading to a rising percentage of cohabitation (Imbrogno & Imbrogno, 1986, 1989); and a high percentage of women in the labor force working full time (Lapidus, 1978, 1988). Arriving in Israel, immigrants from the former Soviet Union were faced with a familistic society in which marriage is almost universal; divorce varies from infrequent to fairly frequent, depending on social group; and all matters of marriage and divorce are delegated to the religious courts. These norms make the immigrants’ acculturation process in the family realm stressful, since cognitive restructuring becomes more difficult in direct proportion to the divergence between origin and host cultures (Shuval, 1993). One of the effects of migration is an upset in the balance between family and social environment, which may result in marital conflict, crisis (Sluzki, 1979; Thomas, 1995) and even dissolution. This effect has been noticeably prevalent in the massive migration process from the former Soviet Union. The balance of power between spouses changed. Many marriages could not withstand the decline of the husband’s sense of self-esteem. The acculturation process sometimes caused role reversal in regard to gender KATZ/Multicultural Family Life in Israel 7 relations. Immigrant women from the former Soviet Union often adapted better to Israeli labor market conditions (Ben-Barak, 1989) and were more willing than men to change their occupations to lower-status ones in order to increase family income. These new gender differences often heightened marital conflict, and as a consequence either wife or husband opted out of the marriage (Ben-David & Lavee, 1994). A unique phenomenon of the immigration from the former Soviet Union is that the decision to immigrate created conflict between spouses, often resulting in divorce and the subsequent emigration of one spouse only-usually the wife-with minor-age children. These single-parent families were then compelled to undergo a parallel adjustment process to the new society in addition to a new familial life style (Katz, 2000). A common strategy for coping with these hardships, as well as with economic constraints, housing shortages, and the need for mutual help between generations, was the formation of multigenerational households. Studies assessing this kind of living arrangement show mixed results on the link between co-residence and the adjustment process. Some studies found that multigenerational living is likely to increase stress and cause dissatisfaction (Naon, King, & Habib, 1993). Other studies show that shared living arrangements enhance adjustment to the host country by providing family solidarity for the older generation and economic advantages for the younger generation (Katz & Lowenstein, 1999). In light of the divergent cultural backgrounds of large segments of the Israeli population, the perceptions and expectations of young adults regarding their future family life merit comparative study. This article focuses on the extent to which the four groups examined seek to preserve their distinctive family traditions, adapt to the dominant culture, or merge traditional ethnic practices and identities with those of the dominant culture.